THE HUXLEY FILE
Nature (January 27, 1887)
[305] Since our last week's number was issued, Prof. Huxley has sent an important letter to the Times on the subject of the true functions of the Imperial Institute From this letter we make the following extract:—"That with which I did intend to express my strong sympathy was the intention which I thought I discerned, to establish something which should play the same part in regard to the advancement of industrial knowledge which has been played in regard to science and learning in general, in these realms, by the Royal Society and the Universities. I pictured the Imperial Institute to myself as a house of call for all those who are concerned in the advancement of industry; as a place in which the home—keeping industrial could find out all he wants to know about colonial industry and the colonist about home industry; as a sort of neutral ground on which the capitalist and the artisan would be equally welcome; as a centre of inter—communication in which they might enter into friendly discussion of the problems at issue between them, and, perchance, arrive at a friendly solution of them. I imagined it a place in which the fullest stores of industrial knowledge would be made accessible to the public; in which the higher questions of commerce and industry would be systematically studied and elucidated; and where, as in an industrial University, the whole technical education of the country might find its centre and crown. If I earnestly desire to see such an institution created, it is not because I think that or anything else will put an end to pauperism and want–as somebody has absurdly suggested‚ but because I believe it will supply a foundation for that scientific organisation of our industries which the changed conditions of the times render indispensable to their prosperity. I do not think I am far wrong in assuming that we are entering, indeed have already entered, upon the most serious struggle for existence to which this country has ever been committed. The latter years of the century promise to see us embarked in an industrial war of far more serious import than the military wars of its opening years. On the east, the most systematically instructed and best informed people in Europe are our competitors; on the west, an energetic offshoot of our own stock, grown bigger than its parent, enters upon the struggle possessed of natural resources to which we can make no pretension, and with every prospect of soon possessing that cheap labour by which they may be effectually utilised. Many circumstances tend to justify the hope that we may hold our own if we are careful to 'organise victory.' But, to those who reflect seriously on the prospects of the population of Lancashire and Yorkshire–should the time ever arrive when the goods which are produced by their labour and their skill are to be had cheaper elsewhere–to those who remember the cotton famine and reflect how much worse a customer famine would be, the situation appears very grave. It thought–I still think–that it was the intention of the Prince of Wales and his advisers, recognising the existence of these dangers ahead, to make a serious effect to meet them, and it was in that belief that I supported the proposed Institute." We are glad to see that, in the pamphlet which is now being circulated by the organisers of the Imperial Institute it is acknowledged that in this communication Prof. Huxley "has clearly defined the function of the Imperial Institute as recognised by the propounders of the scheme."
The Times (March 1887)The Central Institute is undoubtedly a splendid monument of the munificence of the city. But munificence without method may arrive at results indistinguishably similar to thsoe of stinginess. I have been blame for saying that the Central Institute is "starved." Yet a man who has only half as much food as he needs is indubitably starved, even though his short rations consist of ortolans and are served upon gold plate.
That which I did intend to express my strong sympathy was the intention which I thought I discerned to establish something which should play the same part in regard to the advancement of industrial knowledge which has been played in regard to science and learning in general, in these realms, by the Royal Society and the Universities. . . . I pictured the Imperial Institute to myself as a house of call for all those who are concerned in the advancement of industry; as a place in which the home-keeping industrial could find out all he wants to know about colonial industry and the colonist about home industry; as a sort of neutral ground on which the capitalist and the artisan would be equally welcome; as a centre of intercommunication in which they might enter into friendly discussion of the problems at issue between them, and, perchance, arrive at a friendly solution of them. I imagined it as a place in which the fullest stores of industrial knowledge would be made accessible to the public; in which the higher questions of commerce and industry would be systematicaly studied and elucidated; and where, as in an industrial university, the whole technical education of the coutnry might find its centre and crown. If I earnestly desire to see such an institution created, it is not because I think that or anything else will put an end to pauperism and want–as somebody has absurdly suggested,–but because I believe it will supply a foundation for that great scientific organisation of our industries which the changed conditions of the times render indispensable to their prosperity. I do not think I am far wrong in assuming that we are entering, indeed, have already entered, upon the most serious struggle for existence to which this country has ever been committed. The latter years of the century promise to see us embarked in an industrial war of far more serious import than the military wars of its opening years. On the east, the most systematically instructed and best-informed people in Europe are our competitors; on the west an energetic off-shoot of our own stock, grown bigger than its parent, enters upon the struggle possessed of natural resources to which we can make no pretension, and with every prospect of soon possessing that cheap labour by which they may be effectually utilised. Many circumstances tend to justify the hope that we may hold our own if we are careful to "organise victory." But to those who reflect seriously on the prospects of the population of Lancashire and Yorkshire–should the time ever arrive when the goods which are produced by their labour and their skill are to be had cheaper elsewhere–to those who remember the cotton famine and reflect how much worse a cutomer famine would be, the situation appears very grave.
[Also letters of February 19 and 22.]
THE HUXLEY FILE